HINDU IN BALI AND INDONESIA

Hinduism in Indonesia, also known by its formal Indonesia name Agama Hindu Dharma, refers to Hinduism as practised in Indonesia. It is practised by 93% of the population of Bali, but also in Sumatra, Java (especially by the Tenggerese people on the east), lombok and Kalimantan. Although only about 3% of Indonesian population is officially Hindu, Indonesian beliefs are too complex to classify as belonging to a single world religion. In Java in particular, a substantial number of Muslims follow a non-orthodox, Hindu-influenced form of Islam known as 'Islam Abangaan' or 'Islam Kejawèn', while across the archipelago the Hindu legacy, along with the older mystic traditions, influences popular beliefs.

The advent of Suharto's 'new order' resulted in an increasing Indonesianisation of both Hindu Dharma and Parisada Hindu Dharma, partly due to the fact that every Indonesian citizen was now required to be a registered member of one of the five acknowledged religious communities (Islam, Christianity [i.e. Protestantims or Catholicism], Hinduism and Buddhism). Inspired by the Hindu Javanese past, several hundred thousand Javanese converted to Hinduism in the 1960s and 1970s. When the adherents of the ethnic religions Aluk To Dolo (Sa'dan Toraja) and Kaharingan (Ngaju, Luangan) claimed official recognition of their traditions, the Ministry of Religion classified them as Hindu variants in 1968 and 1980. The Parisada Hindu Dharma changed its name to Parisada Hindu Dharma Indonesia in 1984, in recognition of its national influence spearheaded by Gedong Bagus Oka.

CONTENS

1. History
2. General Beliefs and practices
3. Hinduism in Bali
4. Javanese Hinduism
5. hinduism elsewhere in the archipelago
6. Hindu holidays in Indonesia
7. In a Political Context.
8. In a Social Context
9. In an Economic Context

HISTORY

At the peak of its influence in the 14th century the last and largest among Hindu Javanese empires, Majapahit, reached far across the Indonesian archipelago. This accomplishment is interpreted in modern nationalist discourses as an early historical beacon of Indonesian unity and nationhood, a nation with Java still at its center.

That the vast majority of contemporary Javanese and Indonesians are now Muslims is the outcome of a process of subsequent Islamization. Like Hinduism before it, Islam first advanced into the archipelago along powerful trade networks, gaining a firm foothold in Java with the rise of early Islamic polities along the northern coast. Hinduism finally lost its status as Java's dominant state religion during the 15th and early 16th century, as the new sultanates expanded and the great Hindu empire Majapahit collapsed. Even then, some smaller Hindu polities persisted; most notably the kingdom of Blangbangan in eastern Java, which remained intact until the late 18th century.

Islam met with a different kind of resistance at a popular and cultural level. While the majority of Javanese did become 'Muslims', following the example of their rulers, for many among them this was a change in name only. Earlier indigenous Javanese and Hindu traditions were retained by the rural population and even within the immediate sphere of the royal courts, especially in a context of ritual practice. In this sense, the victory of Islam has remained incomplete until today.

GENERAL BELIEFS AND PRACTICES

Practitioners of Agama Hindu Dharma share many common beliefs, which include:

A belief in one supreme being called 'Ida Sanghyang Widi Wasa', 'Sang Hyang Tunggal', or 'Sang Hyang Cintya'. God Allmighty in the Torajanese culture of Central Sulawesi is known as "Puang Matua" in Aluk to dolo belief.

A belief that all of the gods are manifestations of this supreme being. This belief is the same as the belief of smartism, which also holds that the different forms of God, Visnu, Siva are different aspects of the same Supreme Being. Lord Shiva is also worshipped in other forms such as "Batara Guru" and "Maharaja Dewa" (Mahadeva) are closely identified with the Sun in local forms of Hinduism or Kebatinan, and even in the genie lore of Muslims.

A belief in the Trimurti, consisting of:

1. Brahma, the creator
2. Wisnu or Visnu, the preserver
3. Ciwa or Siva, the destroyer

A belief in all of the other Hindu gods and goddesses (Dewa and Bharata)

The sacred texts found in Agama Hindu Dharma are the Vesas. Only two of the Vedas reached Bali in the past, and they are the basis of Balinese Hinduism. Other sources of religious information include the puranas and the itihasa (mainly Ramayana and the Mahabrata).

One of Hinduism's primary ethical concerns is the concept of ritual purity. Another important distinguishing feature, which traditionally helps maintain ritual purity, is the division of society into the traditional occupational groups, or varna (literally, color) of Hinduism: Brahmins (priests, brahmana in indonesia),Kshatriya (ruler-warriors, satriya in Indonesian), Vaishya (merchants-farmers, waisya in Indonesian), and Shudra (commoners-servants, sudra in Indonesian). Like Islam and Buddhism, Hinduism was greatly modified when adapted to Indonesian society.

The caste system, although present in form, was never rigidly applied. The epics mahabarata (Great Battle of the Descendants of Bharata) and Ramayana (The Travels of Rama), became enduring traditions among Indonesian believers, expressed in shadow puppet (wayang) and dance performances.

The Indonesian government has recognized Hinduism as one of the country's five officially sanctioned, monotheistic religions. Partly as a result, followers of various tribal and animistic religions have identified themselves as Hindu in order to avoid harassment or pressure to convert to Islam or Christianity. Furthermore, Indonesian nationalists have laid great stress on the achievements of the Majapahit Empire – a Hindu state – which has helped attract certain Indonesians to Hinduism. These factors have led to a certain resurgence of Hinduism outside of its Balinese stronghold.

JAVANESE HINDUISM

Both Java and Sumatra were subject to considerable cultural influence from the Indian subcontinent during the first and second millennia of the comman Era. Many Hindu temples were built, including Prambanan near Yogyakarta, which has been designated a World Hertage Site; and Hindu kingdoms flourished, of which the most important was majapahit.

In the sixth and seventh centuries many maritime kingdoms arose in Sumatra and Java which controlled the waters in the straits of malacca and flourished with the increasing sea trade between China and India and beyond. During this time, scholars from India and China visited these kingdoms to translate literary and religious texts.

Majapahit was based in Central Java, from where it ruled a large part of what is now western Indonesia. The remnants of the Majapahit kingdom shifted to Bali during the sixteenth century as Muslim kingdoms in the western part of the island gained influence.

Hinduism has survived in varying degrees and forms on Java; in recent years, conversions to Hinduism have been on the rise, particularly in regions surrounding a major Hindu religious site, such as the Klaten region near the Prambanan temple. Certain ethnic groups, such as the Tenggerese and osings, are also associated with Hindu religious traditions.

HINDUISM ELSEWHERE IN THE ARCHIPELAGO

Main article:Hinduism in Sulawesi

The Bodha sect of sasak people on the island of lombok are non-Muslim; their religion is a fusion of Hinduism and Buddhism with animism; it is considered Buddhist by the government.

Among the non-Bali communities considered to be Hindu by the government are, for example, the Dayak adherents of the kaharingan religion in kalimantan tengah, where government statistics counted Hindus as 15.8 % of the population as of 1995. Nationally, Hindus represented only around 2 % of the population in the early 1990s.

Many manusela and nuaulu people of seram follow Naurus, a syncretism of Hinduism with animist and Protestant elements.

Similarly, the tana toraja of sulawesi have identified their animistic religion as Hindu.

The batak of Sumatra have identified their animist traditions with Hinduism.

HINDU HOLIDAYS IN BALI OR INDONESIA

Hari Raya Galungan

Galungan Celebrates the coming of the Gods and the ancestral spirits to earth to dwell again in the homes of the descendants. The festivities are characterized by offerings, dances and new clothes.

Hari Raya Saraswati

Saraswati Balinese Hindu belief that knowledge is an essential medium to achieve the goal of life as a human being. This day celebrates Saraswati in Bali, a special day devoted to the Goddess of learning, science and literature. Saraswati rules the intellectual and creative realm, and is the patron saint of libraries and schools. For Balinese Hindus, she is celebrated as she succeeded in taming the wandering and lustful mind of her consort, Brahma, who was preoccupied with the goddess of material existence, Shatarupa. On this day no one is allowed to read or write, and offerings are made to the lontar (palm-leaf scripts), books and shrines.

Saraswati Day is celebrated every 210-days on Saniscara Umanis Wuku Watugunung and marks the start of the new year according to the Balinese Pawukon calendar. Ceremonies and prayers are held at the temples in family compounds, villages and businesses from morning to noon. Prayers are also held in school or any other learning institution temples. Teachers and students abandon their uniforms for the day in place of bright and colourful ceremony gear, filling the island with colour! Children bring fruit and traditional cakes to school for offerings at the temple.

Hari Raya Nyepi

Nyepi is a Hindu Day of Silence or the Hindu New Year in the Balinese Saka calendar. The largest celebrations are held in Bali as well as in Balinese Hindu communities around Indonesia. On New Year's Eve the villages are cleaned, food is cooked for 2 days and in the evening as much noise is made as possible to scare away the devils. On the following day, Hindus do not leave their homes, cook or engage in any activity. Streets are deserted, and tourists are not allowed to leave hotel complexes.

Nyepi (Balinese New Year) is also determined using the Balinese calendar (see below), the eve of Nyepi falling on the night of the new moon whenever it occurs around March/April each year. Therefore, the date for Nyepi changes every year, and there is not a constant number of days difference between each Nyepi as there is for such days as Galungan and Kuningan. To find out when Nyepi falls in a given year, you will need information on the cycles of the moon for that year. Whenever the new moon falls between mid-March and mid-April, that night will be the night of great activity and exorcism island-wide, while the next day will be the day of total peace and quiet, where everything stops for a day.

IN A POLITICAL CONTEXT

While many Javanese have retained aspects of their indigenous and Hindu traditions through the centuries of Islamic influence, under the banner of 'Javanist religion' (kejawen) or a non-orthodox 'Javanese Islam' (abangan, cf. Geertz 1960), no more than a few isolated communities have consistently upheld Hinduism as the primary mark of their public identity. One of these exceptions are the people of the remote Tengger highlands (Hefner 1985, 1990) in the province of Eastern Java.

At the same time, the East Javanese branch of the government Hindu organization, PHDI, in an annual report claims the 'Hindu congregation' (Umat Hindu) of this province to have grown by 76,000 souls in this year alone.

However, there are problems in estimating the real number of Hindus which may be bigger. The rate of conversion accelerated dramatically during and after the collapse of former President suharto's authoritarian regime in 1998. Despite their local minority status the total number of Hindus in Java now exceeds that of Hindus in Bali.

1. Official Recognition

Officially identifying their religion as Hinduism was not a legal possibility for Indonesians until 1962, when it became the fifth state-recognized religion. This recognition was initially sought by Balinese religious organizations and granted for the sake of Bali, where the majority were Hindu. The largest of these organizations, Parisada Hindu Dharma Bali, changed its name to P.H.D. Indonesia (PHDI) in 1964, reflecting subsequent efforts to define Hinduism as a national rather than just a Balinese affair (Ramstedt 1998).

Religious identity became a life and death issue for many Indonesians around the same time as Hinduism gained recognition, namely in the wake of the violent anti-Communist purge of 1965-66 (Beatty 1999). Persons lacking affiliation with a state recognized-religion tended to be classed as atheists and hence as communist suspects.

Despite the inherent disadvantages of joining a national religious minority, a deep concern for the preservation of their traditional ancestor religions made Hinduism a more palatable option than Islam for several ethnic groups in the outer islands.

In the early seventies, the toraja people of sulawesi were the first to realize this opportunity by seeking shelter for their indigenous ancestor religion under the broad umbrella of 'Hinduism', followed by the Karo Batak of sumatra in 1977 (Bakker 1995).

In central and southern Kalimantan, a large Hindu movement has grown among the local indigenous Dayak population which lead to a mass declaration of 'Hinduism' on this island in 1980. However, this was different to the Javanese case, in that conversions followed a clear ethnic division. Indigenous Dayak were confronted with a mostly Muslim population of government-sponsored (and predominantly Javanese) migrants and officials, and deeply resentful at the dispossession of their land and its natural resources.

Compared to their counterparts among Javanese Hindus, many dayak leaders were also more deeply concerned about Balinese efforts to standardize Hindu ritual practice nationally; fearing a decline of their own unique 'Hindu Kaharingan' traditions and renewed external domination.

By contrast, most Javanese were slow to consider Hinduism at the time, lacking a distinct organization along ethnic lines and fearing retribution from locally powerful Islamic organizations like the Nahdatul Ulama (NU). The youth wing of the NU had been active in the persecution not only of communists but of 'Javanist' or 'anti-Islamic' elements within Sukarno's Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI) during the early phase of the killings (Hefner 1987). Practitioners of 'Javanist' mystical traditions thus felt compelled to declare themselves Muslims out of a growing concern for their safety.

2. Under Suharto's Rule

The initial assessment of having to abandon 'Javanist' traditions in order to survive in an imminent Islamic state proved incorrect. President Sukarno's eventual successor, Suharto, adopted a distinctly nonsectarian approach in his so-called 'new order' (orde baru) regime. Old fears resurfaced, however, with Suharto's 'Islamic turn' in the 1990s. Initially a resolute defender of Javanist values, Suharto began to make overtures to Islam at that time, in response to wavering public and military support for his government.

A powerful signal was his authorization and personal support of the new 'Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals' (ICMI), an organization whose members openly promoted the Islamization of Indonesian state and society (Hefner 1997). Concerns grew as ICMI became the dominant civilian faction in the national bureaucracy, and initiated massive programs of Islamic education and mosque-building through the Ministry of Religion (departemen agama), once again targeting Javanist strongholds. Around the same time, there were a series of mob killings by Muslim extremists of people they suspected to have been practicing traditional Javanese methods of healing by magical means.

In terms of their political affiliation, many contemporary Javanists and recent converts to Hinduism had been members of the old PNI, and have now joined the new nationalist party of Megawati Sukarnoputri. Informants from among this group portrayed their return to the 'religion of Majapahit' (Hinduism) as a matter of nationalist pride, and displayed a new sense political self-confidence.

Political trends aside, however, the choice between Islam and Hinduism is often a highly personal matter. Many converts reported that other members of their families have remained 'Muslims', out of conviction or in the hope that they will be free to maintain their Javanist traditions in one way or another.

IN A SOCIAL CONTEXT

A common feature among new Hindu communities in Java is that they tend to rally around recently built temples (pura) or around archaeological temple sites (candi) which are being reclaimed as places of Hindu worship.

One of several new Hindu temples in eastern Java is Pura Mandaragiri Sumeru Agung, located on the slope of Mt Sumeru, Java's highest mountain. When the temple was completed in July 1992, with the generous aid of wealthy donors from bali, only a few local families formally confessed to Hinduism. A pilot study in December 1999 revealed that the local Hindu community now has grown to more than 5000 households.

Similar mass conversions have occurred in the region around Pura Agung Blambangan, another new temple, built on a site with minor archaeological remnants attributed to the kingdom of Blambangan, the last Hindu polity on Java.

A further important site is Pura Loka Moksa Jayabaya (in the village of Menang near Kediri), where the Hindu king and prophet Jayabaya is said to have achieved spiritual liberation (moksa).

A further Hindu movement in the earliest stages of development was observed in the vicinity of the newly completed Pura Pucak Raung (in the Eastern Javanese district of Glenmore), which is mentioned in Balinese literature as the place where the Hindu saint Maharishi Markandeya gathered followers for an expedition to Bali, whereby he is said to have brought Hinduism to the island in the fifth century AD.

An example of resurgence around major archaeological remains of ancient Hindu temple sites was observed in Trowulan near Mojokerto. The site may be the location of the capital of the legendary Hindu empire Majapahit . A local Hindu movement is struggling to gain control of a newly excavated temple building which they wish to see restored as a site of active Hindu worship. The temple is to be dedicated to Gajah Mada, the man attributed with transforming the small hindu kingdom of Majapahit into an empire.

A new temple is being built East of Solo (Surakarta) It is a Hindu temple that has miniatures of 50 sacred sites around the world. It is also an active kundalini yoga meditation centre teaching the sacred javanese tradition of sun and water meditation. There are many westerners as well as javanese joining in.

Although there has been a more pronounced history of resistance to Islamization in East Java, Hindu communities are also expanding in Central Java (Lyon 1980), for example in Klaten, near the ancient Hindu monuments of Prambanan.

IN AN ECONOMIC CONTEXT

Taking Pura Sumeru as an example, it is also important to note that major Hindu temples can bring a new prosperity to local populations. Apart from employment in the building, expansion, and repair of the temple itself, a steady stream of Balinese pilgrims to this now nationally recognized temple has led to the growth of a sizeable service industry. Ready-made offerings, accommodation, and meals are provided in an ever-lengthening row of shops and hotels along the main road leading to Pura Sumeru. At times of major ritual activity tens of thousands of visitors arrive each day. Pilgrims' often generous cash donations to the temple also find their way into the local economy.

Pondering with some envy on the secret to the economic success of their Balinese neighbors, several local informants concluded that "Hindu culture may be more conducive to the development of an international tourism industry than is Islam. Economic considerations also come into play insofar as members of this and other Hindu revival movements tend to cooperate in a variety of other ways, including private business ventures which are unrelated to their joint religious practices as such.

WILDLIFE

Bali has around 280 species of birds, including the critically endangred Bali Starling. The only endemic mammal of the island, the Bali tiger, became extinict in the 1930s. The Bali National Park is a refuge for wildlife such as the pangolin, common, muntjac, chevrotain, leopard, cat, black giant squirrel, macaque and leaf monkey.

CULTURE

Bali is famous for many forms of art, including painting, sculpture, woodcarving, handcrafts, and performing arts. Balinese gamelan music is highly developed and varied. The dances portray stories from Hindu epics such as the Ramayana. Famous Balinese dances include pendet, legong, baris, topeng, barong, and kecak (the monkey dance).

National education programs, mass media and tourism continue to change Balinese culture. Immigration from other parts of Indonesia, especially Java, is changing the ethnic composition of Bali's population.

The Hindu new year, Nyepi, is celebrated in the spring by a day of silence. On this day everyone stays at home and tourists are encouraged to remain in their hotels. On the preceding day large, colorful sculptures of ogoh-ogoh monsters are paraded and finally burned in the evening to drive away evil spirits. Other festivals throughout the year are specified by the Balinese pawukon calendrical system.

LANGUANGE

Balinese and Indonesian are the most widely spoken Languanges in Bali, and like most Indonesians, the vast majority of Balinese people are bilingual or tringual. There are several indigenous Balinese languages, but most Balinese can also use the most widely spoken option: modern common Balinese. The usage of different Balinese languages was traditionally determined by the Balinese caste system and by clan membership, but this tradition is diminishing.
English is a common third language (and the primary foreign language) of many Balinese, owing to the requirements of the large tourism industry. Staff working in Bali's tourist centres are often, by necessity, multilingual to some degree, speaking as many as 8 or 9 different languages to an often surprising level of competence.

ECONOMUC INDICATORS

Economic Growth : 8.86%Income per Capita : Rp. 1,090,447.49 (1990)Exports : Garments, handicrafts, furniture, canned fish, vanilla, coffee, tuna, seaweedValue of Exports : US$ 145,997,595 (1991)Primary ProductsAgriculture - Food Crops : Rice, corn, and horticultureCommercial Crops : Coconut, clove, coffee, rubber, vanilla and fruitsLivestocks : Cows, buffaloes, sheeps, goats, pigs, horses, chickens, and ducksFishery - Fish Products : Tuna, skipjack tuna, barramundi, shrimp, seaweed, giant gouromy, and common carpFresh Water Fishery Area : 841.37 haForestry-Forest Products : Cayuput oil, rattan, and incenseProductive Forest Area : 8,535.05 haHandicrafts : The Balinese are known for the outstanding wood and stone carvingEconomics and Culture Tourism is now the leading economic activity, surpassing agriculture, the traditional source of the island’s wealth. The Balinese originally thought to confine tourism to the beaches of the south coast, but they failed to reckon with the Australians and with non-Balinese Indonesians, not to mention other nationals, who flock to the island in increasing numbers. As a result, tourism now occupies somewhat less than a third of the total land area and is creeping northward. There are 110 starred hotels. The loss of sawah (irrigated land for rice cultivation) to construction is now two percent per year. Tourism is a national preoccupation. The Balinese would do nothing to jeopardize tourism, or to harm tourists, and would resent any outside attempt to interfere with tourism. For that reason many Indonesians themselves see Bali as a retreat from the political or ethnic turmoil that they experience elsewhere. There are examples of Indonesian capital parked in Bali in small enterprises and/or vacation homes that are probably considered safer investments than elsewhere in Indonesia. Much of this development is evident in the roadside construction of small shophouses (rumoko, i.e. rumah-toko) and factories, whose activities contribute to traffic congestion and whose installations obstruct the famous views of Balinese rice terraces. Except for limitations on height, a ruling that has been in effect since the Sukarno era, there are no zoning restrictions on building. Commercial activity is not confined to the arts and crafts associated with tourism but increasingly to other activity as well. Bali has become an entrepot for multi-faceted business such as furniture manufacture, in which furniture is first made in Java, finished in Bali, then shipped out from Surabaya. Agriculture is also booming, with temporary imported labor from Java to help with the rice harvest. Bali attracts this activity because it is perceived as a nice place to live, and is seen as a place of high civilization in a beautiful rural setting. But if, because of unregulated development it is no longer a nice place to live, at what point will that development turn sour? The Balinese are beginning to wonder. Decentralization is a big unknown thus far. At the moment the provincial government is in control of the distribution of tourist revenue and taxes, 40 percent of which is distributed to the poorer kebupaten. The kebupaten boundaries are still the same as the areas of the old royal kingdoms: Dan Pasar, Klungkung, Gianyar, Ubud, etc. How this will all be affected by decentralization is not yet known. Nor is it known how decentralization will affect the intricate irrigation system. In the worst case, each kebupaten will compete without restraint to capture the most tourists and the most enterprises. In the best case, the province and the center will still enforce some moderation. The Balinese strongly support President Megawati (she is one quarter Balinese) and seem to rely on her to keep a balance. In any case, Balinese culture is holding its own against rapid development. The population is 93 percent Hindu (or the Balinese version of Hinduism which has a strong basis in spirit and ancestor worship). There is a “fierce national pride and possessiveness of Balinese culture as a national asset," Pringle said, “and a traditional intolerance toward foreigners, by which is meant Javanese.” There is also some antipathy toward non-Hindu Balinese such as Christians, who have been somewhat successful in making converts in some northern villages. It is still roughly a caste society, with about 10 percent of the population in the upper castes and 90 percent in clans associated with crafts, especially smiths (goldsmiths, blacksmiths, etc). These ancient clans go back to Majapahit times and are traditionally associated with responsibility for rituals and ritual objects. Traditional culture still has considerable importance, if some recent disputes about the high caste requirements for Balinese priesthood have any significance. Performing arts are still strong and show signs of enduring. Even transmigrant Balinese show signs of preserving their culture, as some transmigrant communities in Sulawesi have ordered Balinese gamelans to be sent to them. Pringle suggested that the strength of the culture lies in part on the energy, resilience and inventiveness of the Balinese. They are quick to take pragmatic advantage of economic opportunity, even if it means compromising the rules somewhat. Signs of the times include Balinese carvers making “genuine” traditional Asmat carving from Papua; or an instant cremation service, consisting of a pickup truck and propane gas tank, offered for families of deceased who do not have the resources for a traditional (and expensive) cremation.

RELEGION

Moslems (5.22%)Protestants (0.58%)Roman Catholics (0.47%)Hindus (93.18%)Buddhists (0.55%) .

Hinduism in Bali

Balinese Hinduism is deeply interwoven with art and ritual, and is less closely preoccupied with scripture, law, and belief than Islam in Indonesia. Balinese Hinduism lacks the traditional Hindu emphasis on cycles of rebirth and reincarnation, but instead is concerned with a myriad of local and ancestral spirits. As with kebatinan, these deities are thought to be capable of harm. Balinese place great emphasis on dramatic and aesthetically satisfying acts of ritual propitiation of these spirits at temple sites scattered throughout villages and in the countryside. Each of these temples has a more or less fixed membership; every Balinese belongs to a temple by virtue of descent, residence, or some mystical revelation of affiliation. Some temples are associated with the family house compound, others are associated with rice fields, and still others with key geographic sites. Ritualized states of self-control (or lack thereof) are a notable feature of religious expression among the people, who for this reason have become famous for their graceful and decorous behavior. One key ceremony at a village temple, for instance, features a special performance of a dance-drama (a battle between the mythical characters Rangda the witch (representing evil) and Barong the lion or dragon (representing good)), in which performers fall into a trance and attempt to stab themselves with sharp knives.

Rituals of the life cycle are also important occasions for religious expression and artistic display. Ceremonies at puberty, marriage, and, most notably, cremation at death provide opportunities for Balinese to communicate their ideas about community, status, and the afterlife. (The tourist industry has not only supported spectacular cremation ceremonies among Balinese of modest means, but also has created a greater demand for them.)

A priest is not affiliated with any temple but acts as a spiritual leader and adviser to individual families in various villages scattered over the island. These priests are consulted when ceremonies requiring holy water are conducted. On other occasions, folk healers or curers may be hired.

ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIAONS

The province is divided into 8 regincies (kabupaten) and 1 city (kota) :

1. Badung
2. Bangli
3. Buleleng
4. Denpasar (city)
5. Gianyar
6. Jembrana
7. Karangasem
8. Klungkung
9. Tabanan

DENPASAR

Denpasar is the capital city of the province of Bali,Indonesia. It is also the site of Ngurah Rai Airport, the main gateway to Bali. It has a population of 491,500 (2002). It is located at 8°39′S, 115°13′E.

Tourism

Denpasar has various attractions. The white sandy beaches are famous all over the world. Some of the famous surfing beaches are Kuta Beach, Legian Beach and Canggu Beach. Sanur beach has calmer waters and is excellent for sunbathing.Ten minutes from the Nurah Rai International Airport lies the town of Kuta. Kuta is where most of the hotels, restaurants, malls, cafes, marketplaces, and spas that cater to tourists are located. In the Denpasar area, all kinds of beautiful Balinese handicrafts are represented in local shops. These include artwork, pottery, textiles, and silver. Bali is a haven for shoppers everywhere.The famous batik cloth is sold all over Denpasar. These bright sheets of cloth are as beautiful as they are cheap. Made of pure cotton with glorious patterns, Balinese batik is definitely a good buy. Sometimes batik cloth is made into wearable clothing such as a sarong or men's shirts. The jewelry district is in a town called Celup which is 30 minutes away from Kuta. Here you will find rows and rows of silversmiths' and goldsmiths' shops selling jewelery at very low prices.

GIANYAR

Gianyar is an art and cultural town, has been well known throughout the word. Apart from proliferation of its archeological remains, in recent development, Gianyar looks so fascinating with the establishment of gardens and statues of Gods and demons along its street or at every road intersection. It is really worth seeing, because all the art works erected in this town are master pieces of Gianyar's artists, those are inspired by a single source called " Paramayoga " Hindu legend or " Purana Dewa " in mount Tengguru, that tells us about the cooperation between Gods ( Sura ) and demons ( Asura ) in their succesful effort to turn or stir fast mount Mandara, searching for elixir water or water for eternal life, which is finally ended with the change of cooperation into a war disputing the elixir ownership.

Gianyar regency constitutes an agricultural region with its beautiful nature panorama, that it's why many kinds of agricultural plantation can be developed in this region. Additionally, Gianyar Regency is rich with ancient remains and famous for high creativity of its people in field of art and culture, which considered as one of invaluable asset to the region.

With this high potential, in reality nowadays, Gianyar has grown rapidly in tourism, which is the result of the richness of the nature, traditional culture heritage as well as modern one.

Having this reality we realize there is possibility of emerging negative impacts towards the progress of Gianyar Regency globally, somehow, by understanding strong concepts of Hindu religion it is expected these impacts can be filtered, that local culture and foreign one can acculturate to each other positively and naturally.

Finally to all parties, especially those entrepreneurs are involved in tourism, we are expecting their participation to keep and develop tourism positively, that the tourism and Balinese culture which had has high value more well known and praised in the world

Last but not least, we hope this booklet will be useful for all of us.

GEOGRAPHY

Bali lies 3.2 km east of Java and approximately 8 degrees south of the equator. East to west, the island is approximately 153 km wide and 112 km north to south (95 by 69 miles, respectively), with a surface area of 5,632km². The highest point is Mount Agung at 3,142 m (10,308 feet) high, an active volcano that last erupted in March 1963. Mountains cover centre to the eastern side, with Mount Agung the easternmost peak. Mountain Batur (1,717 m) is also still active. About 30,000 years ago it experienced a catastrophic eruption — one of the largest known volcanic events on Earth.
In the south the land descends to form an alluwial plain, watered by shallow rivers, drier in the dry season and overflowing during periods of heavy rain.
The principal cities are the northern port of Singaraja, the former colonial capital of Bali, and the present provincial capital and largest city, Denpasar, near the southern coast. The town of Ubud (north of Denpasar), with its art market, museums and galleries, is arguably the cultural center of Bali.
There are major coastal roads and roads that cross the island mainly north-south. Due to the mountainous terrain in the island's center, the roads tend to follow the crests of the ridges across the mountains. There are no railway lines.The island is surrounded by coral reefs. Beaches in the south tend to have white sand while those in the north and west black sand. The beach town of Padangbai in the south east has both: the main beach and the secret beach have white sand and the south beach and the blue lagoon have much darker sand. Pasut Beach, near Ho River and Pura Segara, is a quiet beach 14 km southwest of Tabanan. The Ho River is navigable by small sampan. Black sand beaches between Pasut and Klatingdukuh are being developed for tourism, but apart from the seaside temple of Tanah Lot, this is not yet a tourist area.

MOUNT AGUNG

Mount Agung or Gunung Agung is a mountain in Bali. This start to volcano is the highest point on the island. It dominates the surrounding area influencing the climate. The clouds come from the west and Agung takes their water so that the west is lush and green and the east dry and barren.

Gunung Agung last erupted in 1963-64 and is still active, with a large and very deep crater which occasionally belches smoke and ash. From a distance, the mountain appears to be perfectly conical, despite the existence of the large crater.

From the peak of the mountain, it is possible to see the peak of Gunung Rinjani on the island of Lombok, although both mountains are frequently covered in cloud.

The 1963-64 Eruption

The lava flows missed, sometimes by mere yards, the Mother Temple of Besakih. The saving of the temple is regarded by the Balinese people as miraculous and a signal from the gods that they wished to demonstrate their power but not destroy the monument the Balinese faithful had erected. However, over 1,000 people were killed and a number of villages were destroyed in this eruption.

Climbing the Mountain

There are two routes up the mountain, one from Besakih which proceeds to a higher peak and starts at approximately 1100metres and another which commences higher from Pura Pasar Agung, on the southern slope of the mountain, near Selat and which is reputed to take 4 hours. There is no path between the two routes at the top. Cecilie Scott provides an account of the ascent from Pura Pasar Agung. The mountain can be seen from various direction in video, there is a well produced video of the climb from Pura Pasar Agung and a short video from the top above Besakih Greg Slayden describes a climb from Besakih claimed to have taken a remarkable four and a half hours to the peak and Ken Taylor describes a climb that took much longer and which included getting lost.

Guides are available in Besakih and the mountain can also be climbed without a guide. The climb from Besakih is quite tough. It is sometimes tackled as a single climb generally starting about 10.00pm for a dawn arrival at the peak and sometimes with an overnight camp about three quarters of the way up. It is far harder than the more popular Balinese climb up Gunung Batut. It is not a mountain that needs ropes and not quite high enough for altitude sickness but adverse weather conditions develop quickly and warm waterproof clothing is required and should be carried. There is no water available along the route.

Proceed through the temple complex then continue on a path that travels continuously upwards on a steep narrow spur through open forest and jungle most of the way. There is little potential to get lost until the route opens up towards the top where the correct route doubles backwards. Many climbers miss this turn and continue up a small valley which can be climbed out of with some difficulty

HISTORY

Bali has been inhabited since early prehistoric times firstly by descendants of a prehistoric race who migrated through mainland Asia to the Indonesian archipelago, thought to have first settled in Bali around 3000 BC.[citation needed] Stone tools dating from this time have been found near the village of Cekik in the island's west.
Balinese culture was strongly influenced by Indian, and particularly Sanskrit, culture, in a process beginning around the 1st century AD. The name Balidwipa has been discovered from various inscriptions, including the Blanjong charter issued by Sri Kesari Warmadewa in 913 AD and mentioning Walidwipa. It was during this time that the complex irrigation system subak was developed to grow rice. Some religious and cultural traditions still in existence today can be traced back to this period. The Hindu Majapahit Empire (1293–1520 AD) on eastern Java founded a Balinese colony in 1343. When the empire declined, there was an exodus of intellectuals, artists, priests and musicians from Java to Bali in the 15th century.
The First European contact with Bali is thought to have been when Dutch explorer Cornelis de Houtman arrived in 1597, though a Portuguese ship had foundered off the Bukit Peninsula as early as 1585.[citation needed] Dutch rule over Bali came later, was more aggressively fought for, and they were never ultimately able to establish themselves as they had in other parts of Indonesia such as Java and Maluku.
In the 1840s, a presence in Bali was established, first in the island's north, by playing various distrustful Balinese realms against each other. The Dutch mounted large naval and ground assaults first against the Sanur region and then Denpasar. The Balinese were hopelessly overwhelmed in number and armament, but rather than face the humiliation of surrender, they mounted a final defensive but suicidal assault, or puputan. Despite Dutch demands for surrender, an estimated 4,000 Balinese marched to their death against the invaders. Afterwards the Dutch governors were able to exercise little influence over the island, and local control over religion and culture generally remained intact.
Japan occupied Bali during World War II during which time a Balinese military officer, Gusti Ngurah Rai, formed a Balinese 'freedom army'. Following Japan's Pacific surrender in August 1945, the Dutch promptly returned to Indonesia, including Bali, immediately to reinstate their pre-war colonial administration. This was resisted by the Balinese rebels now using Japanese weapons.
On 20 November 1946, the Battle of Marga was fought in Tabanan in central Bali. Colonel I Gusti Ngurah Rai, 29 years old, finally rallied his forces in east Bali at Marga Rana, where they made a suicide attack on the heavily armed Dutch. The Balinese battalion was entirely wiped out, breaking the last thread of Balinese military resistance. In 1946 the Dutch constituted Bali as one of the 13 administrative districts of the newly-proclaimed Republic of East Indonesia, a rival state to the Republic of Indonesia which was proclaimed and headed by Sukarno and Hatta. Bali was included in the ‘’Republic of the United States of Indonesia’’ when the Netherlands recognised Indonesian independence on Dec. 29, 1949. In 1950 Bali officially renounced the Dutch union and legally became a province within the Republic of Indonesia.
The 1963 eruption of Mount Agung killed thousands, created economic havoc and forced many displaced Balinese to be transmigrated to other parts of Indonesia.
In 1965, after a failed coup d'etat in Jakarta against the national government of Indonesia, Bali, along with other regions of Indonesia most notably Java, was the scene of widespread killings of (often falsely-accused) members and sympathizers of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) by right-wing General Soeharto-sponsored militias. Possibly more than 100,000 Balinese were killed although the exact numbers are unknown to date and the events remain legally undisclosed.[2] Many unmarked but well known mass graves of victims are located around the island[citation needed].
On October 12, 2002, a car bomb attack in the tourist resort of Kuta killed 202 people, largely foreign tourists and injured a further 209. Further bombings occurred three years later in Kuta and nearby Jimbaran Bay.

BALI

Bali is an Indonesia island located at 8°25′23″S, 115°14′55″ECordinates 8°25′23″S, 115°14′55″E, the western most of the Lesser Sunda island, lying between Java to the west and Lombok to the east. It is one of the country's 33 provinces with the provincial capital at Denpasar towards the south of the island. The island is home to the vast majority of Indonesia's small Hindu minority. It is also the largest tourist destination in the country and is renowned for its highly developed arts, including dance, sculpture, painting, leather, metalworking and music.

HARE KRISNA HINDU ATAU BUKAN

Dalam "Catatan dari Mahasabha VIII" (Editorial Raditya Oktober 2001) Putu Setia mempertanyakan duduknya Brahmana Guna Avatara Dasa (d/h I Ketut Gunadika) sebagai Sekretaris Dharma Adiyaksa. Dharma Adiyaksa (d/h Sabha Pandita), adalah organ tertinggi Parisadha yang anggotanya adalah para sulinggih. Bagaimana seorang pimpinan Hare Krisnha duduk dalam organ yang bertugas merumuskan dan mengatur masalah-masalah ritual agama Hindu? Apakah proses dwijati yang bersangkutan dilakukan sesuai dengan ketentuan yang ditetapkan Parisadha? "Hare Krishna jelas oleh pempinan tertingginya disebut bukan Hindu. Begitu pula dengan Ananda Marga. "Jadi kalau mereka TIDAK BANGGA DENGAN HINDU dan TIDAK SREG MENYEBUT HINDU, apakah tidak ada yang perlu diluruskan pada mereka itu?" Demikian Putu Setia bertanya.Hare Krishna Selayang PandangSaya kira banyak orang Hindu di Indonesia yang tidak mengetahui secara jelas apa atau siapa sebenarnya para pengikut Hare Krishna. Sekalipun cukup banyak buku-buku karya Srila Prabhupada, pendirinya, telah diterbitkan di Indonesia, tapi hampir tidak ada yang menjelaskan apa sebetulnya Hare Krisna: aatu sekte/sampradaya Hindu? Sebuah agama baru yang terpisah dari Hindu? Atau satu organisasi sosio-spiritual yang tidak ada kaitannya dengan suatu agama apapun? Pada zaman orde baru Hare Krishna pernah dilarang oleh pemerintah karena dianggap menimbulkan keresahan dan perpecahan di kalangan masyarakat Hindu di Indonesia. Hal ini seperti mempertebal bobot ‘misteri’ dan sekaligus menambah keingintahuan kita terhadap Hare Krishna. Sayangnya orang-orang Hare Krishna di Indonesia tidak pernah memberikan penjelasan secara terbuka siapa sebenarnya mereka ini. Untuk memberikan gambaran selayang pandang di bawah ini adalah penjelasan singkat mengenai Hare Krishna yang saya ambil dari buku "Apakah Saya Orang Hindu" karangan Ed. Viswanathan, diterbitkan oleh Pustaka Manikgeni, 2000, dan Dictionary of World Religions, terbitan Oxford University Press, 1997. Hare Krishna adalah gerakan bhakti (devotional) Hindu. Didirikan di AS tahun 1965 oleh Swami A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada (1896-1977), dengan nama resmi "The International Society for Krishna Consciousness" atau ISKCON. Nama populer dari masyarakat ini adalah Hare Krishna, artinya "Kemenangan untuk Krishna" (Victory to Lord Krishna). Hare Krishna adalah tradisi (sampradaya) Caitanya dari sekte Waisnawa. Caitanya (1485-1533) adalah seorang bhakta Krishna, dan menjadi sumber dari sampradaya Caitanya atau Gaudiya yang melahirkan gerakan pemujaan Krishna (Krishna Bhakti). Terlahir dengan nama Visvambhara Misra di Bengala, pada awalnya adalah seorang sarjana, tapi satu pengalaman cinta keagamaan menyebabkan dia meninggalkan pelajaran brahmanikalnya (agama awal India pada zaman Vedik yang menekankan pengorbanan (yadnya) dan upakara atau ritual). Tahun 1510 beliau menjadi sanyasin dengan nama Sri Krishna Caitanya. Dia segera terkenal karena pemujaannya yang ekstatik , seperti kesurupan (ecstatic devotion) yang diwujudkan dengan tari dan nyanyi, dan dipercaya sebagai avatara dari Krishna dan Radha (salah seorang gopi, gadis pengembala sapi dan istri Krisna). Bentuk pemujaannya yang ekstatik dan bahkan sering liar, oleh muridnya dianggap sebagai keikut sertaannya dalam ’lila’ atau permainan suci, yang merupakan sumber dari kreativitas itu sendiri. Tujuan Hare Krishna adalah untuk membimbing manusia, yang hidup dalam kaliyuga (demonic age) untuk mencapai pembebasan dalam bentuk kesadaran-Krishna yang abadi melalui Bhakti Yoga, yang merupakan – menurut Waisnawa umumnya dan Hare Krishna khususnya – adalah puncak dari Jnana Yoga dan Karma Yoga. Setiap keprihatinan atau penderitaan, apakah itu kelaparan atau penyakit, ditundukkan kepada tujuan akhir yaitu kesadaran-Krishna. Dengan pengekangan diri, karya missionari dan pengucapan japa Mahamantra ‘Hare Krishna Hare Rama’, para bhakta akan menikmati kesadaran Krishna dalam hidup ini (Jiwanmukti). Para bhakta laki-laki memakai jubah putih atau kuning-jingga bhakta wanita mengenakan sari warna-warni, menari dan bernyanyi dengan iringan musik tradisional India. Sejak meninggalnya Prabhupada gerakan ini dipimpin oleh Dewan Komite Pemerintah Pusat (Central Governing Board Committee) yang mengangkat seorang swami sebagai penguasa tertinggi dalam tiap-tiap temple di seluruh dunia, sekalipun telah terjadi berbagai skisma (schisms, perpecahan) dalam tubuh gerakan ini.Masyarakat Hare Krishna adalah salah satu kelompok yang paling asketik (hidup sangat sederhana, seperti pertapa) dan ritualistik di dunia ini. Kadang-kadang orang heran bagaimana masyarakat Hare Krishna dapat menarik para pengikut (bhakta) dengan ketentuan etik dan moral yang begitu ketat. Para anggota sama sekali dilarang untuk minum (minuman keras), merokok dan seks bebas. Pengucapan japa di depan umum (public chanting) dari Mantra "Hare Krishna, Hare Krishna, Krishna Krishna, Hare, Hare; Hare Rama, Hare Rama, Rama Rama Hare, Hare" adalah satu dari kegiatan penting dari para bhakta. Menurut Srimad Bhagavatam, siapapun yang mengucapkan Mantra ini dan juga siapapun yang kebetulan mendengar Mantra ini akan diberkati oleh Tuhan. Sebagai tambahan dari japa di depan umum, masing-masing bhakta mengulangi Mantra ini 1,728 kali setiap hari. Pengucapan mantra (japa) ini dihitung oleh satu genitri dengan seratus delapan (108) biji Tulsi. Jadi genitri ini dihitung enam belas kali setiap hari. Para pengikut Hare Krishna melakukan pekerjaan kasar sebagai persembahan untuk Krishna. Mereka membersihkan badan mereka paling tidak dua kali sehari, dan bahkan di antara pengikut yang berkeluarga seks hanya dibolehkan untuk melahirkan anak (prokreasi). Sama seperti kelompok masyarakat lain, kontroversi masih melanda kelompok masyarakat ini. Beberapa orang menyatakan bahwa anak mereka telah dicuci otak oleh masyarakat yang saleh ini, tapi tidak seorangpun dapat mengatakan dengan tepat seberapa banyak kebenaran dalam tuduhan-tuduhan ini. Para bhakta Hare Krishna adalah murni vegetarian, dan mempraktekkan non-kekerasan.Hare Krishna Menurut PendirinyaPrabhupada terlahir dengan nama Abhay Charan De di Kolkata, menjalani karir yang sukses sebagai manajer bisnis sampai tahun 1933, ketika beliau dipercaya oleh Bhaktisiddhanta Thakura dari Gaudiya Vaishnava untuk menyebarkan kesadaran-Krishna di Barat. Beliau melakukan karya-karya terjemahan sampai pensiun pada 1959, ketika beliau menjadi sanyasin menyebabkan dia bebas untuk melaksanakan missinya. Pada tahun 1965 beliau pergi ke Boston dan mendirikan ISKCON. Tahun 1967 beliau pindah ke California di mana gerakan ini mulai tumbuh dengan pesat. Berbeda dengan agama-agama baru yang muncul dari agama Hindu, beliau melarang para pengikutnya untuk menganggap dirinya sebagai avatara, tetapi beliau menampilkan dirinya sebagai salah seorang seperti mereka, menjadi pelayan Tuhan (Dasa).Kembali kepada pertanyaan di atas, apakah Hare Krishna satu sampradaya Hindu, satu agama baru yang terlepas dari Hindu, atau satu organisasi sosio-spiritual yang tidak ada kaitan dengan agama apapun? Hare Krishna, menurut pendirinya, A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabupadha, bukan Hindu dan bahkan bukan agama apapun. Dalam ceramah dan wawancaranya Prabupadha bahkan menghujat Hindu sebagai sumber keruntuhan moral. Berikut ini adalah pernyataan Srila Prabupada mengenai Hare Krishna dan hubungannya dengan agama Hindu. Tulisan di bawah ini bersumber dari "Can it Be That the Hare Krishnas Are Not Hindu? ISKCON's Srila Prabhupada's edicts on religion are clear" yang dimuat dalam majalah Hinduism Today edisi Oktober 1998. "Ada satu salah pengertian," tulis His Divine Grace A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada tahun 1977 dalam Science of Self Realization, "bahwa gerakan kesadaran Krishna ( the Krishna consciousness movement) mewakili agama Hindu. Sering kali orang-orang India baik di dalam maupun di luar India mengira bahwa kita mengajarkan agama Hindu, tapi sesunguhnya kita tidak mengajarkan agama Hindu." Dalam bab tiga dari buku itu [dapat diperoleh dari Bhaktivedanta Archives, P.O. Box 255, Sandy Ridge, North Carolina 27046 USA], pernyataan yang mengejutkan ini dibuatnya beberapa kali: "Hare Krishna sama sekali tidak ada urusannya dengan agama Hindu atau sistem agama apapun.... Setiap orang harus mengerti dengan jelas bahwa Hare Krishna tidak mengajarkan apa yang disebut agama Hindu (The Krishna consciousness movement is not preaching the so-called Hindu religion)." Para pengikut Srila Prabhupada telah mengumpulkan semua surat, buku, ceramah, wawancara dan percakapannya dalam the Bhaktivedanta Vedabase [juga dapat diperoleh dari Bhaktivedanta Archives]. CD-Rom database ini menghasilkan 183 referensi kepada agama Hindu, yang dikumpulkan dan dianalisis untuk memahami pandangan Srila Prabhupada. Srila Prabhupada seringkali dengan tegas menolak eksistensi dari satu agama yang disebut "Hinduisme." Dia mengasalkan nama yang tidak pantas ini kepada "foreign invaders (para penyerbu asing)." Pada kesempatan lain ia mengakui keberadaan agama Hindu, tapi menganggapnya sebagai kemerosotan yang tak tertolongkan dari bentuk asli Sanatana Dharma Veda. Pada ceramah-ceramahnya tahun 1967, di New York dia berkata, "Sekalipun memunculkan para sarjana, sanyasin, grihasta dan swami besar, apa yang disebut pengikut agama Hindu semuanya tidak berguna, cabang-cabang kering dari agama Veda." Hare Krisnha, katanya, adalah satu-satunya eksponen dari agama Veda dewasa ini. Dalam satu wawancara yang diberikan untuk Bhavan's Journal tanggal 28 Juni, 1976, dia berkata, "India, mereka telah membuang sistem agama yang sesungguhnya, Sanatana Dharma. Secara takhyul, mereka menerima satu agama campur aduk (a hodgepodge thing) yang disebut Hinduisme. Karena itulah muncul kekacauan." Sang Guru sering menjelaskan sikapnya, dan bertindak berdasarkan keyakinannya dalam membangun organisasinya yang dinamis. Pada kuliah 1974 di Mumbai (Bombai), dia menyatakan, "Kita tidak mengkotbahkan agama Hindu. Ketika mendaftarkan assosiasi ini, saya dengan sengaja memakai nama ini, 'Krishna Consciousness,' bukan agama Hindu bukan Kristen bukan Buddha." Srila Prabhupada menyadari bahwa masyarakat India memiliki kesan yang keliru mengenai kehinduannya. Dalam satu surat tahun 1970 kepada pengurus sebuah pura di Los Angeles, dia menulis, "Masyarakat Hindu di Barat mendapat perasaan baik untuk saya karena secara dangkal mereka melihat bahwa saya menyebarkan agama Hindu, tapi nyatanya gerakan Kesadaran Krishna ini bukan agama Hindu bukan pula agama apapun." Hal itu tetap berlaku sampai dewasa ini, karena Srila Prabhupada tidak meninggalkan pengganti dengan wewenang untuk mengubah ‘edict’ atau bhisama spiritual ini. Jadi kenapa masyarakat Hindu umumnya secara keliru percaya bahwa Hare Krishna adalah sebuah organisasi Hindu, ketika mereka tidak pernah menyatakan dirinya sebagai Hindu? Kadang-kadang mereka sengaja menimbulkan kesan itu. Selama pembukaan temple mereka di New Delhi dan Bangalore, di mana berita-berita surat kabar sering mengidentifikasikan temple-temple besar ini sebagai Hindu, siaran press dari Hare Krishna, seperti yang dikeluarkan pada tanggal 15 April 1998, tidak pernah menggunakan kata Hindu. Namun, ketika para pengikut mereka dari India yang melayani kedua temple ini ditanya oleh wartawan pada akhir bulan Juli untuk tulisan ini, mereka bilang ini adalah pura Hindu. Ketimpangan antara persepsi publik dengan kebijakan internal mereka lebih dibingungkan lagi dengan pengecualian resmi dari kelompok ini berkaitan dengan posisi mereka terhadap non-Hindu. Bila menghadapi kesulitan, para pemimpin Hare Krishna memohon kepada masyarakat Hindu untuk membantu mereka, misalnya ketika menghadapi perkara atas gedung ‘Bhaktivedanta Manor’ di Inggris atau ketika dituntut oleh orang Kristen di Russia dan Polandia (yang menganggap Hare Krishna hanyalah gerakan ‘cult’ dan meminta agar pemerintah melarang mereka). Dalam permohonan kepada hakim dan pemerintah, kata Hindu dipergunakan secara terbuka. Dalam kasus-kasus hukum yang lain, termasuk kasus di Mahkamah Agung Amerika Serikat, Hare Krishna berusaha menangkis label "cult" dengan menyatakan dirinya sebagai satu sampradaya Hindu tradisional, dan meminta orang-orang Hindu yang lain untuk menguatkan hal ini di pengadilan. Organisasi-organisasi lain yang berpisah dari agama Hindu, seperti Transcendental Meditation dan Brahma Kumaris, tidak pernah mengkompromikan sikap mereka dalam keadaan apapun. Yang juga memisahkan Hare Krishna adalah penolakan dan kritiknya terhadap agama Hindu, khususnya di antara anggota mereka sendiri. Ada banyak laporan mengenai orang-orang Hindu yang bergabung dengan Hare Krishna yang hanya diajarkan untuk menolak agama keluarga mereka. "Sebelumnya kita adalah Hindu. Sekarang kita adalah Hare Krishna," demikian dikatakan oleh beberapa orang. Pada saat yang sama, organisasi ini sering mengajukan permohonan kepada masyarakat dan pengusaha Hindu untuk bantuan keuangan bagi program sosial dan politik mereka untuk melidungi Hare Krishna dari pelecehan dan tuntutan. Melihat pada penampilan Hare Krishna -- pakaian para anggota, nama, bhajana, perayaan, pemujaan, kitab suci, ziarah, bentuk bangunan temple dan lain-lain – tidaklah mengherankan banyak orang menganggap mereka adalah Hindu. Bahwa nyata mereka bukan Hindu tentu akan mengagetkan banyak orang — baik Hindu maupun non-Hindu. Parisada Harus MenjelaskanKalau dilihat benang merahnya, Hare Krishna berakar pada sekte Waisnawa melalui sampradaya Caitanya. Namun oleh Prabhupada benang merah itu diputus dan Hare Krishna menjadi kelompok masyarakat yang berdiri sendiri. Tegasnya bila dilihat dari bhisama Srila Prabhupada di atas Hare Krishna bukannya ‘tidak bangga dengan atau tidak sreg menyebut Hindu’, tetapi Hare Krishna memang bukan Hindu. Jadi Hare Krishnalah yang menolak Hindu. Bukan sebaliknya. Namun sesuai dengan tradisi toleransinya yang luas, Hindu harus tetap menghormati pendirian Hare Krishna dan menganggap mereka sebagai sesama teman dalam perjalanan ziarah spiritual. Terlepas dari sikap di atas pertanyaan yang mendasar tetap perlu diajukan berkaitan dengan duduknya pimpinan Hare Krishna dalam jajaran pengurus Parisada. Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga Parisada menetapkan, bahwa yang berhak menjadi pengurus Parisada adalah orang yang beragama Hindu, tidak pernah meninggalkan Hindu dan berasal dari keluarga Hindu yang utuh (artinya tidak ada anggota keluarganya, yang masih tinggal serumah yang beragama lain).Logika di balik ketentuan di atas sudah terang benderang. Bagaimana seorang yang bukan Hindu, yang menolak Hindu akan membina atau melayani umat Hindu? Khusus untuk bapak Brahmana Guna Avatara Dasa, sebagai anggota, bahkan sekretaris Dharma Adhiyaksa (Sabha Pandita), tentu memiliki hak dan wewenang yang sama dengan para sulinggih yang lain untuk muput atau jadi manggala karya di manapun di kalangan umat Hindu, termasuk di Besakih? Parisada semestinya memberikan penjelasan mengenai hal ini, baik mengenai kesulinggihan bapak Brahmana Guna Avatara Dasa maupun kaitan Hare Krishna dengan Hindu.